












V*^^ 



v*<^- 













?r -^^ 







•0" t' 













^^•n^- 



• ^^^,^^ * 






• ^ c'^ *J> 

♦ AV '>1k 







. °o 













<^ *'...• ,0 



T* A 













> V ...l:;^'*, <*:^ ^^ 



* AT -K . 

V ,/.'j>J^>.V /.c:^.*°o .**\.i^'X. c 







<y 6 » " » -• '<*» 



'h. *. 












U A^ ^'i 





A^*^ ^ 

* 4^^ ^.^ •- 







A<1 



















. O M « 



U <^ '^i 





\. /..i;^..*°o ,//^^%^ /.c:^..-^°. 






















^- "^ A^ *v 



^ . « . • <&^ o^ 




^^<^' 










^ 'o . * * A <^ 




t<J^^ 6 o" » 




iO'7'. 



.^" . 







' -o u-i-" .^^^^."'•t. (P\^:.:^^ °o ^4.-- .1^«^> ^W^^ 










o_ * 



.0 ^ 







SPEECH 



HON. JOHN LETCHER, 

OF VIRGINIA, 



POLITICAL ISSUES NOW BEFORE THE COUNTRY. 



DELIYEKED 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AUGUST 2, 1856. 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 
1856. 



f- 



-^3 



„ La. 



SPEECH. 



The Housfi being iu Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union — 
Mr. LETCHER said: 

Mr. Chairman: I have" listened attentively to the speech just delivered by the £rpntleraan 
from Uhio, [Mr. Wade,] and before I proceed to the questions wbicb I design to discuss, 
I deiiie to noiice ver^ briefly one or iwo points which have been made in that speech. 

The gefiileiiian starts out with the inquiry, Could our fathers have res's'ed the power of 
Britain it ibi- slave power bad then held the control of this country ? Now, sir, it ,^eemsto 
me tht' gentieaiMn ought to know ^hat at the tiuie of our ditficulties with England, whfn the 
war of the revulution began, all the States of this Union were slavehol'tiiig St.^ies. Jbe State 
(rfNew Yoik, ;ii,d all the States of the orifiinal thirteen, recognised slavery. Now, sir, accord- 
ing to the j;enileman's theory, is it not somewhat remarkable that, with all our colonies 
slaveholdii'g, our arms should have been favored by Divine Providence, aud our cnuse so 
emiuently t^urcessful? How does he reconcile this glorious result with his thtory of the sin, 
guilr, and shanif of slavery ? 

But the geutleman says, further, that we are dishonoring the memories of our fathers and 
mothers — those of us, at least, who live in that portion of the Union where slavery is recog- 
nised and now exists. How are we dishonoring; the memoiies of our fathers and mothers? 
Are not ou"- institutions in the S>^uih now exactly the same that they were in the da\ s of our 
struggle with the mother couniry ? Is there any change in that se^'tion of couutr\ iu which 
our lot has been ca.^t ? Has any new thing been intruduced into the condition of thu- south- 
ern States that is calculated to throw discredit or dishonor on the ancestors ot the piesent 
feneration ? Sir, let the gentleman call to mind the fact that that portion of the Uiion which 
as freed it^el^ from slavery got nd of it, not, liy acts of emancipatic-n, but by nc's on either 
the post nata, or some postponement principle which allowed the slaves to be removed before 
the liw went into effect, in order that they might be disposed of for a tullpfCM?(2a?-y consider- 
ation. Such was the «ase in New York. It has not been many year? since a suit f.-r freedom 
was tried in my own section of Virginia, instituted by slaves who were taken from New 
York and .-^old in my State, in violation ot her laws, as they alleged. The owners of ihe slaves 
in New York at that day preferred to sell their slaves for money and pocket- the prfxeeds, be- 
fore the law ot New York could go into etfect. They had no qualu)S ot conscience then to 
restrain them. Recognising slaves as property, they sold and triutferred them as property to 
any one who would purchase and pay for them. 

There is another point. The gentleman tells us that he desires '^moderately anc] tcmpenttely 
to draw a live uround the southern States," and proebiim to the people ot the Si'Uth, thus 
far slavery s'lall go, and not one inch be>ond it. The gentleman has (riven us a sampleto- 
mght ot ius t.mperanr.e and modtrul ion upon this subject; and I say God he) j) that portion 
of this ciuntry that is to have lines drawn under his charitable views. His speech to-night is 
as ultra as any one that I have heard on this floor, from any quarter whatever ; and when the 
gentleman talks at out temperance and moderation on his sidp, in a discussion of a question like 
this, be must permit me to sa> that it is a most scandalous misapplication ot terms [Laugh- 
ter.] And, in this connexion, the genih man tells us that "he loves t/iis Union" — that "^e 
venerates tl" — that be entertains "« holy affection Jor it ;" and here, sir, 1 ujight a)ply his own 
quotation without disrespect. I imagine that the sentiments of affection he has expressed on 
this floor for tie Union are very much like the affcciion (in his own language) which ''the 
devil has for holy water." [Laughter.] 

The next proposition the genileman lays down is, that the phrase in the preamble to the 
constitution— ■' W«, the people-' — means, not the people north of Mason an'l Dixon's line, not 
the people south of thai line, but all the people of the United States. I should like 'o know 
from the gentleman from Ohio whether it is his opinion that the phrase quoted from the pre- 
amble to the constitution was intended to include ail the people of all colors and lompiexions ; 
when inserted in that preamble, is he to be understood as saying that it embraced the white 
people of the States, male and female, and the blaik people of the States, male and female, and 
the mulattoes of the States, male and female; and that it was a recogniiion of tVj^it equality 
between these classes and races which he says is maintained in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence? Is he to be understood as saying that this clause was intended to cover all and em- 
brace all of these classes of people 

When that provision was inserted in the preamble to the constitution slavery existed in all 



the States. Our fathers never intended-to declare, nor did they ever admit, by word or act, 
that the phrase " We, the pf.ople" when placed in that preamble, was designed to recognise the 
equality of the white and black races. No, sir! It refers to, and was intended to include, 
none other than the while race there existing, and their descendants and successors. They 
never dreamed of including the negro, because the position in society which he occupied for- 
bade it. 

But I was greatly amused at the gentleman's adroitness as exhibited near the close of his 
speech. My friend from Misissippi [Mr. WrightJ wished to know of him whether he recognised 
the right of the southern slaveholders to reclaim their slaves, if they absconded and were found 
in a free State. I have not heard an answer from him to that question yet. The gentleman 
talked about a good many other things, but he was particularly careful to dodge that ques- 
tion. And it struck me that there was a reason for it. It has not been quite a week since 
the gentleman himself voted for "THE FUGITIVE-SLAVE LAW." And, that I may not be 
charged with doing injustice to that gentleman, I beg leave to call his attention to a bill for 
which he voted, and for which every other gentleman of his particular stripe voted, save the 
intelligent and cautious gentleman from Ohio now before me, [Mr. Leiter.] In the bill of 
Mr. Dunn for the reorganization of the Territory of Kansas, and in the 24th section of that 
bill, it is, amongst other things, declared: 

" That any person lawfully held to service in either of the said Territories shall not be dis- 
charged from such service by reason of such repeal, if such person shall be permanently removed 
from such Territory or Territories prior to the first day of January, eiohteen hundred and 
fifty-eight ; and any child or children bornj in either of said Territories, of any female lawfully 
held to service, if in like manner removed without said Territories before the expiration of that 
date, shall not be, by reason of anything in this act, emancipated from any service it might have 
owed bad this act never been passed : And provided further, That any person laivftdly owing 
service in any other State or Territory of the United States, and escaping into either the Territory 
of Kansas or Nebraska, may he reclaimed and removed to the >]erson or place ivhere such ser- 
vice is due, under any law of the United Stales which shall he in force upon the subject." 

Now, sir, the gentleman has been horror-stricken for years over the fugitive-slave law of 1850 5 
and yet no longer ago than last Tuesday, the scales fell from his eyes, and he and his friends 
marched up in solid column, with one exception, and recorded their endorsement of the consti- 
tutionality and policy of the fugitive-slave law of 1850. Ever since its passage he and his 
allies have denounced it as uncotistitutional and void, and have addressed the most inflamma- 
tory appeals 1o the people of the northern States to resist its execution. 

Mr. WADE. That was a bitter pill, and I tasted it distinctly when I took it; but being 
driven into a corner by the sham democracy, in their efforts to engraft slavery upon Kansas, 
I thought it better to let them have the fugitive-slave law in Kansas, until I could get a fairer 
lick at it and knock it in the head'. 

Mr. LETCHER. It " was a bitter pill," and he was " driven into a corner" before he would 
consent to swallow it ! But when "driven into a corzzcr" he did swallow it, and voted to re- 
enact a law which, in the presence of the House of Representatives, before the faces of his 
constituents, and in his conversations, he has been in the constant habit of denouncing in the 
most inflammatory language as a palpable violation of the laws of God, and of the constitu- 
tion ot his country, which he has sworn to support. 

Mr. GIDDINGS. I wish to ask the gentleman a'question. Did not he vote against the law? 

Mr. LETCHER. I was not here. (Laughter.) I happened to be on that day addressing my 
constituents, and warning them of the revolutionary conduct being pursued by these moderate 
and tem/ierate gentlemen on your side of the House, and who constitute your party. 

Mr. GIDDINGS. 1 would like to know whether the gentleman would not have voted for it 
if he had been here ? / 

Mr. LETCHER. I would not ; but not because I considered the fugitive-slave law either 
inexpedient or unconstitr.tiocal. It is sufficient for me to know that it is now the law of the 
land, in full force and eflFect. But you, gentlemen, not content with its enactment in 1850, 
gravely reenact it, and specially' apply it to Kansas; and as you have all now given it your 
approval, I trust we shall hear nothing more of its unconstitutionality, or of its barbarous fea- 
tures. When you return to your constituents I expect to learn that you have admitted your 
error — that by the same process of reasoning which has satisfied your own minds j'ou will 
satisfy them of its constitutionality, and its accordance with the laws of God, and urge upon 
them the propriety and duty of a rigid enforcement of all its provisions. This is their duty as 
law-abiding men. Their representatives here have moderated their views, and .is they have 
marched up to it quietly and deliberately, and cast their votes for the fugitive-slave law, 
heretofore so much denounced, I imagine they are ready to go a little further (and that their 
constituents will sustain their efforts) to save the Union, which the gentleman from Ohio pro- 
.lesses to love so well. 

Now, there is one other point in the gentleman's speech which I desire to notice. The gen- 
tleman says that every man in this country has the right to bear arms; that it is a constitu- 
tional right, and that "the government has no right to interfere with him in the enjoyment of 
this privilege. I admit this to be true, constitutional ground ; and yet that gentleman, and 
his friends upon that side of the House, voted for Mr. Barbour's amendment to the army bill, 



wbicu gave the President the. power to disarm all the people of Kansas. What a. power to 
clothe an Executive with whom they denounce as tyrannical ! Napoleon III has no more. 

I desire to know whether the gentleman is honoring the institulions, principles, and sen- 
timents of the northern people, of his ancestors, in all his acts, opinions, and i)rinciples ? In 
1T86, hy the fifth section of an act passed by the Mapsachusetts legislature, every white person 
was prohibited from intermarrying with a negro, and every negro from intermarrying with a 
white person, and the same prohibition extended to Indians also, and all such marriages 
were declared void. That provision remained upon the statute-book until 1843, when it was 
repealed; and since that time white persons and negroes, under this law of 1843, may be 
united in matrimony. Now, sir, if I am not very much mistaken, the friends of the gentle- 
man from Ohio, in the legislature cf that State, a few years ago, honored their fathers and 
mothers by the passage of a similar law. And if you will go through the northeastern States, 
you will find that in many cf them their ancestors have been honored in the same extraordi- 
nary way. 

These are the people who talk about slavery and its horrors in the South ; and yet they 
are for consummating a union between the races, to ascertain which will absorb the other. 
Such unions must inevitably degrade the free labor of the North, and sink it far below the 
slave labor of the South. The tree white roan who can get his own consent to such a mar- 
riage must have sunk low in the pit of personal degradation — must have forfeited ali his own 
self-respect. Such a man will be a disgrace to any society. Even the respectable negro slaves 
of the South V70uld scorn all association with him. 

Whom are these laws intended for at the North? Are they intended for the benefit of 
the wealthy — the upper ten thousand — " the lords of the loom ?" or are they intended as a special 
boon for the northern mechanic and the day laborer? Are such laws intended by the aris- 
tocracy for any other class than those who occupy the position of the laborers in the northern 
States? Is it not astonishing that the laboring classes of the North should have rested so pa- 
tiently under an insult so gross ? I trust they will vindicate their character and their honor 
by hurling from povver and place all who endorse sucli laws. 

This slaveiy agitation has been going on for many years. About the 3'ear 1835 it had at- 
tained such a strength in this country, and it had sought to exert its influence upon the slave- 
holding States to such an extent, by means of the vilest publications and pictorial represent- 
ations disseminated through the mails, and by travelling agents, calculated "to produce dis- 
satisfaction and revolt among the slaves, and to incite their wild jjussions to vengeance," that 
it attracted the attention of General -Jackson, the then President of the United States. He in- 
vited the special attention of Congress to it in his message of December, 1835, and recom- 
mended a remedy. "In connexion," said he, "with these provisions in relation to the Post 
Office Department, I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the 
South by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals to the slave?, and in 
various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and to produce all 
the horrors of a servile war." In consequence of this recommendation of General Jackson, the 
subject was taken up by Congress, and an act subsequently passed, which prohibited the 
use of the mails for such murderous and incendiary purposes. 

The objects which the abolitionists then had in view, as a reference to their petitions will 
clearly demonstrate, are — 

Fint. The abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 

Second. The exclusion of slave States from admission into the Union, Florida being at that 
time particularly strpck at by them. 

One of the first governors of any State that took a position in behalf of the agitation, and 
fully and squarely endorsed it— that undertook to denounce those northern statesmen who 
resisted the abolition movement, and to denounce all action on the part of the Congress 
of the United States for the protection of the southern half of this nation against their insane 
war upon its rights and its jieaie — was the then governor of the State of PtULsylvania, 
Joseph Ritner ; and among the men who arrayed themselves prominently in opposition to 
the recommendations contained in his annual message v/as one of the present candidates for 
the presidency of the United States. Mr. Buchanan in his speech delivered at Lancaster 
on the 18th of August 1838, immediately previous to the gubernatorial contest between 
Ritner and Porter, discussed with great power and ability the questions involved in that 
election; and I quote the following extracts from his speech made on that occasion: 

"Mr. Buchanan said there was one subject of vital importance fo the peace and iierpctuity 
of the Union, which had not occupied much of the attention of the former speakers ; and, there- 
fore, he would make a few remarks upon it. He referred to ahAUion. 

" Before the spirit of abolition had been conjured up from its dark abode by political fanatics 
and bot-headed enthusiasts, all u-ai comparativelij peaceful and tranquil in the southern /'■^tateii. 

'■'When the message of Gov. Ritner was received in Washington, in 1836, it was considered by 
all as an abolition message, and, as such, it produced an impression which I shall never forget. 
With the utmost anxiety depicted on the countenances of inquii-ers, was I asked over and over 
again, whether, in my opinion, it spoke the voice of Pennsylvania. The Keystone Slate, which 
had been the firmest bulwark of the Union, and had alvvays respected the constitutional rights 
of her sister States, had embraced, so far as her governor could commit her, the creed, and had 
placed herself in the front rank, of abolition. It remaii!-.- for tJie pcojj?e o/ this grea/^ Common- 
loeal'Ji, at the next election, to ratify or reject the doctrines of this messaije. I consider the question 



6 

to he one of iransceiidant importance, tnvohins^ in itself ilie fate r,f the Union, ntid nil that ii 
near aurl ibar to ih'' friends of coif^tihttional liberty, not only here, b"t throuijhniit the iior'd. 

" I ii)iy;ht here alsfi proceed to illustrate the effects of Ibe triumph of this dortiine. What 
would be your situation, fellow-citizens, if net/roe^ were aamitted to an equatiti/ of p'liiicd and 
social righii irith while men and ii kite icon/ en ? You have already had a Coitta.-te of it. in the 
scenes which were exhibited at PennsylvEnia Bali. The subject is too di^ga'-iimj, ohd I recail 
from it." 

These extracts show the position Mr. Br.chanaa then ocfupied upon this escitiro- siiViject, 
and set. forth froukly the preat cuD.^ideratiou that influem ed his mind in takinjr that po.-ition 
at that early day. He admonished his people then, that it was a war cornmen 'ed which must 
sooner or iaf.-r. if it continiied, end i'l a dissohition of the Union. At that very lime, ys now, 
the uroutid was taften that slavery must be abolished in the District of Ofilmnhia ; thxt no 
more slave States should be admitted into this Union; that no mo; e slave T.-iritories. should 
be oi't'iinizeii ihat ihc Nonh W!^s to resist even the admission of Florida— h Sr:;ie iy in;.' at the 
extreme South hundreds of miles distant from any free State, and bounded only by slave- 
holdiric; Siatis of the Union. 

Ther^e !i*''^'!"=Heu Si<y slavery is to go no farther. Now let us see what has been the past 
action of their father? in regard to the q'lestion, so that we may ascertain how far th"y are 
honoring their ancestors in the course which they are now pursuing. Since !he formation of 
Ibis government wiih the original thirteen States, eighteen have been added to the Union, 
making the present nuinher of thirty -one ; and of these eighteen so added nine hnve been 
free Siaie.s «tid nine have been slave States. And these new States, with tie excep-ionof 
one or two have been admitted /'ari/)a.v.v«, or with very short intervals between the iidmis- 
siofi of the northern aod of the southern States, in order that the equilibrium might be kept 
up between the North and the South in the Senate. Let me call attention to the onier in 
which they came into this Union, under the rule and influence of our ancestors, who tilled 
the seats in Congress which are now held by us. 

Vermont and Kentucky, Tennessee aui, Ohio, Indiana and Mississippi, fllinoi.^ and Ala- 
bama, Miiine and Missouri, came in together, or near the same time. And, mark you, sir. 
when .\ii-;soiiri was admitted the State of Maine was cut oiF from the then S'ae of Massa- 
chusetts for the purpose of keeping up the equilibrium between the Nor.h and the South. 
When has a slaveh^ilding State been divided for any such purpose as this in the history 
of the government? And where is the record to show that our fathers from the South were 
then, as yo'.i are now, reaistina every effort to keep up the equilibrium between tne North and 
South, and thereby preserve the rights of lioth sections by the equipoise in the Sfn>ite? So it 
was with Aikans.fS and Michigan. So it was with Florida and Iowa. But how is it now? 
The equilibrium is d^ stroyed. You have sixteen of the States of this Union, wlile we have 
but fi teen. You have, the.refore. a mHJority of the Senate: you have a iiMJority of both 
branches of Congress. And if now you are to have the Executive, if you can wit id the 
power of the Senate as you can wield +he power of the House, to what extent do yon propose 
to go? Do ■* ou propose to try the experiment bow far we will submit — quii tiy and tamely 
submit to ,\our demands? Do you prppose, as suggested by the gentleman from Ohio, to exer- 
cise vour fiOwer modfrately and temj^eratcli/j to draw a line around the slave Stales, and see 
whether we will sut^mit? 

N'jt only that, but look at the advantage you have gained over tis in another respect. 
Out of the seven organized Territories now in existence, six of them are free, to wit : the 
Territory of Minnesota — which I understand _\ou propose to divide, to admit one portion as a 
State no.v into the Union, and to organize the residue into another Territorv, which is also 
to be fre — the Territory of Oregon, the Territory of Utah, the Territory of New Me.Tico. the 
Territorv o' Wasiiington, and the Tenitory of Nebraska — leaving only the T^riitor\ or Kansas 
to be:'oiae aslaveSiate. 

Here vou have six Territories, all of which are to be free, leaving but one in which there is 
a chance for the continuance of slavery. All of these Territories will come into this Union 
nearly about ih- same time; and at a time, too, when you have one majoiity of the States 
in your tavor. aod, therefore, the undoubted control of the Senate. To obt.iin this control, 
New England is divided into six States — the whole six about the size of .Mls^ou^i, and 
greatly less tt.an Texas. The slave States are large in territorial extent, whil-^t the free States 
are generally small; and hence representation in the Senate is grossly unequnl. Rhode Island 
is niiide --q lal to Missouri; Connecticut is a counterpoise to Virginia; Vermcmt. with all its 
abolitioni,>^!u, is an offset to Georgia, the Empire State of the South. And ^et you talk about 
illiber'.liiy, and of t lie injustice and aggressions of the South! Northern and southern 
meti have voted together in the organiz/itiou of Territories — they have s"0'>d side by side, 
and no quf^-tion w;is raised in regard to them. Now, after you have these adv-;mr •i:es secured, 
you u!h1( rtake to s.-ay you will have all, or — as the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Wadk] says 
— ^you will dtaw the line around the slave S'ates, and excludeus from all par icipatiou in the 
territory stcured by the common blood and treasure of all the States of ihe Uiiion. 

"W.U, what ib the pretext now for all the ch-.mor th.'it has been gotten uy in the country ? 
The preext is, that tltere is a bare posikbility that the Territory of Kansas, organized in 1854, 
may becom:^ a slave State. That they are uol sure ihey have obtained all has so exciied th« 
aoi'thern people that they feel bound to resist, and are dttermined to resist, the laws of Cou- 



gress, unless Kansas s-hall be surrendered by the South — s'lall become a free Territory, and 
consequently a free State. When the Kansas territorial bill was under consideration' here, 
the ediioriiil leader of the present revolution:iry party who wields the power in this Flouse— 
none other than Mr. Greeley, of the New Yoik Tribune— proclaimed that be would r.ither ?ee 
this Capitol "biaze by the torch of the incendiary" than that the Kansas bill should become 
a law. 

The following is an extract from one of his many incendiary a,rtic!e3 on this subject : 

''We urge, therefore, unbending determination on the part of the northern members hostile to 
this iT;t<)lei able oatrage, and demand of them, in behalf of peace, in behaU'of freedom, in behalf 
of justict^ and humanity, resistance to the la.^t. Better that confusion should ensue— better that 
discord .should reign in the national councils— 6ef?er that Conc/rey.i should break i:p in tcild disorder 
—nay, belter that the Capitoi chould Haze Use' f by the torch of the iiiccudinry, or fall aod bury all 
its inmates beueath its crumbling ruins, than that this perfidi' and wrong should be finally accom- 
plished." >r J ^ J 

From the time this article was written to the present hour Greeley and his allies have 
spared no effort to array one section of the country against the other. They are the advisers 
and endorsers of all the revolutionary movements" on foot here. In this connexion, I quote 
from a hits letter^of W. 0. Duval, another leading New York republican, to show the purposes 
of these men: *■ 

" I sincerely hope a cioil war may soon burst upon the country. I want to see American 
slavery abolished in my day— it is a legacy I have no wish to Wave to mv children ; then my 
most fervent prayer is, that England, France, and Spain may 'speedily take.'this slavery-accursed 
■nation into their special consideration ; and when the tio^e arrives, for the streets of the cities of 
this 'land of the free and home of the brave' to run rcith blood to the hors>.»' bridla, if the writer 
9f this be living, there will be one heart to rejoice at the retributive justica of Heaven. This, of 
course, will be treason in the eves of the doughfaces in this land. Well, they are familiar with 
Dr. Henry's celebrated prescription — 'make the most of it.' " 

They went to work to execute the purposes so boldly avowed by these republican leaders. 
After the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed, who were the first to organize a party here for the 
purpose of resistance? j I do not know whether you, sir, [.Mr. Havex.] were one of the num- 
ber, or not, but I understand that the gentleman who presides over this House [Mr. BankbJ 
was one of the leading spirits in the organization. Mr."r<lACE has testified before the Kansas 
iuvestiirafiag committee that he was one, and he has stated that that organizatioa was made 
up of nearly all the members of the anti-Nebraska party of this House. What object was 
that organization intended to stcure? In the lat^guage of xMr. Mace, "the leading, primary 
object of the association was to prevent the introduction of slavery into Kansas ;" and 
they believed that unless "vigorous steps of that kind were taken, Kansas would become a 
ilave Srate." They were not willing to leave the question to 'the decision of the people of 
the Territory. 

The fidlowing are extracfsfrom Mr. Mace's testimony, on -cere 1132. report No. 200, House 
of Representatives : 

" Imiaediately after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, I, together with a number of 
others, who were mnnbers of Cniifjress and penatora, believing that the tendency oftbat act would 
be to make Kausan a slave State, in order to prevent it, formed aa association here in'Washing- 
ton, called, it 1 recollect aright, 'The Kansas Aid Society.' I do not remember all who became 
inembeis of that society, 6i4 gitife a )/M»i//er «/j;ie»n6cr* who were opposed to slavery in Kansas, 
of the lomer House, and also of the Senate, became members of it, and subscribed various gums •>/" 
money. I think i subscribed either $50 or $100 ; I am not nov,- prepared to sav which. 

" I think Mr. Goodrich, of Massachusetts, was the pre^irlsnt of the soci^'ty. I am not certain 
afeout the vice presidents; probably Mr. Fenton, of New York, and mvstlf, were vice-presidents. 
Ihe names of the president and vice-presidents were attached to our circulars, which we sent 
throughout the country. 

" My reooilection is, that, generally, those members of the House and Senate who were opposed 
to the Kaof as-Nebratka act became members of this society, ar;d contribatsd to it. 

''1 think no other object^ was mentioned or specified, excepi, ike prevention of slavery in Kansas. 
I think that was the sole object of the movement. 

"I do not recollect whether Mr. Speaker Banks was a member of that society or not, or 
whether Senator Seward was or not. Mr. Goodrich kept the books. Mv impression is that a 
majority of those who voted agaiast the bill were membc-rs of that organization. I do not re- 
member the total amount of money raised by means of that organization." 

This is what was done just after the passage of the bill, by the members of Congress here 
at the Capitol. This was the first step. Weil, then, sir, let us see what was done in Kangag 
aa the ne^t step in the progress of the revolution. At the meeting held at Big Springs on the 
5th September, 1855, (see page 89,) it was 

yRe^o'vcd, That eatery reliable free-State man in the Territory be furnished with a rifle, a breet 
nf pisfnU. and a snbre gratis : and that he be required to take an oath to come wbtn called 
upon, and muster into service under bis superior otiicer, and to sacrifice his life, if necessary, t« 
rescue the person and property of any person who would be brought under the juristlicliun of tb« 
present laws of the Territory." 

Such are the recomTneadatiocs in Kansas. "Every relisbie free-State man iu the Territory" 



was to be "furnished with a rifle, a brace of pistols, and a sabre gratis," and he wag to be 
bound to fidelity by the obligations of "an oath." Their purpose to resist the laws of the Ter- 
ritory by force, is boldly avowed in this resolution. 

These are " temperate" gentlemen ; " moderate" gentlemen ! They are law-abiding men '. 
They love this Union ! they respect the constitution ! and they are anxious to see them pre- 
se!;ved ! And yet, after the Kansas bill was passed by a constitutional majority of both 
houses of Congress, after it was constitutionally approved by the President, and became a law 
of the land, the very men, manj- of whom have been subsequently sent to Kansas by 
senators and representatives in Congress, met together and "peaceably" adopted a resolution 
to furnish every man with "a rifle, pistol, and sabre," to exclude the South from Kansas by 
the use of money and arms. 

Let us see who-t more they did. I charge here that they swore them to the commission of 
TREASON, and I intend to prove it. Out of thei'- own mouths will I convict them. From 
the evidence token by the commission sent to Kansas, as imbodied in the report to which I 
have before referred, I will demonstrate the charge which I have preferred against J. H. Lane 
and his free-State conspirators. 

I rely upon the deposition of the Rev. Andrew J. Francis, which was taken by the commis- 
sion in Kansas, and is recorded at pages 91, 92, 93. Here is the oath which he says was ad- 
ministered to him by James H. Lane, a leader in the treasonable order of the "Kansas Regu- 
lators," of which Andrew H. Reeder was also a member. Listen to it, I beg you, with atten- 
tion : 

"I, of my oicn free toill and accord, in the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, do 
solemnly swear that I will always hail, forever conceal, and'never reveal any of the secrets of thin 
organization to any person in the known world, except it be to a member of the order, or within 
the body of a just Jind legal council. I furthermore promise and swear, that I will not write, 
print, stain, or indite them on anything moveable or immovable, whereby the least figure or 
character may become intelligible to myself or any other person. I furthermore promise and 
■nvear, that 1 will at all times, and nnder all circumstances, hold myself in readiness to obey, even to 
death, the orders of my superior officers. I furthermore promise and swear, that I ir.Ul at all times, 
and tinder all circumstances, use my influence to make Kansas a free ichite State. I furthermore 
promise and swear, that, all things else being equal, I will employ a free-State man in preference 
to a Missouri man, or a pro-slavery man. I turthermore promise and swear, that all business 
that I may transact, so far as in my power, shall be transacted with free-State men. I further- 
more promise and swear, that I will at all times, end wider all circumstances, hold myself in readi- 
ness to take up arms in defence of free-State principles." 

And to what extent? I ask the majority of this House, who have undertaken to endorse 
these men, to listen to what extent: "EVEN THOUGH IT SHOULD SUBVERT THE GOV- 
ERNMENT." And yet there is found a majority of this House — a large majority of gentle- 
men on this floor from the northern portion of the Union — who are ready to endorse the 
conduct of this man, who is now claiming admission into the other end of this Capitol as a 
senator — a man who administers oaths that impose the crime of treason upon the party who 
is to fulfil the obligation ! 

Sir, are not these revolutionary times? Has anything like this ever been heard of before 
in the Capitol>of these United States? Has anybody been found willing to endorse men who 
have subscribed to an oath to commit treason against the government of the United States? 
Bat, sir, that is not all. Hear the balance of this horrid oath: 

"Even though it shoidd subvert the government, I furthermore promise and swear, that I will at 
all times, and under all circumstances, wear upon my person the regalia of my ojjlce and the insig- 
nia of the order. I furthermore swear, that I will at all times, and under all circumstances, wear 
on my perfon a loeapon of death. I furthermore promise and swear, that I will at all times, and 
under aU'circumstances, keep in my house at least one gun, with a full siipjjly of ammunition. I 
furthermore promise and swear, that I will at all times, and under'all circumstances, when I see 
the sign of distress given, rush to the assistance of the person giving it, even when there is a 
greater proliability of saving his life than of losing my own. 1 furthermore pjromise and swear, 
that I wdl, to the utmost of my pou-er, oppose the laws of the so-called Kansas legislature. I further- 
more promise and swear, that when 1 hear the words of danger given, 1 will repair to the place 
where the danger is. I furthermore i^romise and su-car, that if any pjart of my obligation is at 
this time omitted, I will consider the same as binding tchen legally informed of it. I furthermore 
promise and swear, that, at the first convenient opportunity, I will commit this obligation to 
memory. To all of this I solemnly swear, without equivocKtion or self-evasion, binding myself 
under the penalty of being declared a 2)orjurer before Ueaven and a traitor to my country." 

After this oath had been repeated to him, Mr. Francis stated to Lane that it "was a 
very serious obligation." Lane replied "it was," and then proceeded to instruct him in the 
signs, grips, and pass-words of the order. After detailing much other conversation, the wit- 
ness says : 

" I remarked to the Colonel that I was sworn to support those laws in taking my oath as a 
lawyer, and that I considered that that oath was administered by a higher power than he exer- 
cised, and hence I should not keep the obligation he had given to me; and under no circum- 
stances would i do anything to subvert the institutions of the country, or place myself in oppo- 
sition to the laws ; and he might depend upon it, 1 would expose it the first convenient opportu- 
Hity. I also told him I could not consistently keep both obligations that had been imposed upon 



me ; that I was also a member and minister of a religious denomination, and that it would not 
be consistent with my Christian duties to keep the obligation he had imposed on me ; that I 
should most certainly, when the subject came up, expose it. He stated then to me that if that 
was my determination, and I did express myself so publicly, I would hardly get away from the city 
with my life. I replied to him that I would express myself so under all circumstances, both in 
public and private." 

Talk about the evil effects of slavery upon the morals and patriotism of those who own 
this species of property ! When or where has the history of the South been disgraced by 
such acts as sully the characters of these free -State patriots of Kansas? 

Again, sir: Andrew H. Reeder was before this House the other day, and received eighty- 
eight votes for his admission as delegate from the Territory of Kansas. He was not elected in 
pursuance of any law, but in defiance and violation of all law — territorial and congressional — 
and yet, sir, eighty-eight men (members of this House) voted to assign to him the seat of 
Whitfield. In a letter to one of his brethren in Kansas, bearing date January 20, 1856, 
(while he was in attendance upon this House,) Reeder advised the packing of juries, as a 
^^ surer reliance" for free-State men than the Supreme Court. His letter will be found on pages 
1134 and 1135 of the report : 

"Tou speak of your probably coming on here in February, as the legislature meets in March. 
I do not see how you can do this, in case you are elected ; nor do I now see how you are to get 
your case into the Supreme Court of the United States, except by writ of error, and that can 
only be after judgment and at a great expense ; nor do I see how you can raise, in the Supreme 
Court, any point as to the validity of the laws, except the one of their removal to the Mission. 
I have, however, not examined the case ; still, I should think that afeio free-State men on the jury 
%could be a surer reliance than the Supireme Court. I sho^ild hesitate long before spending much 
money on the latter. I note what you say about Lane. It is all very well; but it is a good 
rule never to make an enemy unnecessarily, or to aggravate one without cause. Why not con- 
tinue to correspond for the ' Post,' or some other paper? 

" Remember me kindly to Robinson and Conway and other friends. Latter is also here. 
" Yours, trulv, 

A. H. REEDER." 

Such is the man whom you have been seeking to bring into this House ; a man who never 
has claimed that he was elected in pursuance of any law of the land ; a man who has advised 
his followers, for the purpose of defeating the great ends of justice, to pack juries; and yet, with 
this evidence spread out before them, 88 men in this House have voted to admit him as a dele- 
gate from the Territory of Kansas ! Verily, sir, these are strange times, and things are greatly 
out of joint, when men can, by the mere force of party drill, be brought up to a position like 
this. 

But let us go a little further : I now call the attention of the committee to some remarks of 
Mr. Thayer who is the treasurer of one of these emigrant aid societies, and who delivered an 
address at Brooklyn, New York, last winter. I have that address now before me, and desire to 
call attention to certain portions of it, to show the power of the organization, its purposes, and 
the means employed : i 

" I come to ask you if this mighty organization shall be sustained ? 

"They go as the apostles of liberty in the West. 

"The first men who went to Kansas went there to establish freedom. 

" But there are other reasons why this organization ought to be sustained. It benefits the coun- 
try by placing in the West the institutions of the North." 

"If this is done" (the power of the organization increased) "the lecturer pledged himself to 
furnish men who would put themselves under bonds that Kansas tcill be a free State. 

" There vtas even a possibility that the EMIGRANT AID SOCIETY, or some other northern 
organization, would yet direct their efforts towards the colonization of VIRGINIA. 

"It is a fact that the North can be united upon one thing, and that is, making money; and 
money power is the only power that is fit to be pitted against slavery." 

These extracts furnish food for serious and anxious reflection. They show clearly that the 
purpose has been to make Kansas free territory, even if it were found necessary to subvert the 
government to accomplish the object. Kansas secured, their efforts are then to be directed 
to Virginia. 

The proposition is here laid down, that their money, their associated wealth, their capital in the 
North, is to be used for the purpose of increasing their power, and is to be placed in the scale 
against the South, in the hope and under the confident belief that the South is to be weighed 
down by their money power. These are the means they rely upon to carry out their schemes 
in regard to this Territory of Kansas. They expect by the aid of money to accomplish, not 
only in the Northwest and the West, but by means of its influence to accomplish in the South, 
all that they desire to effect. 

Six of the seven Territories are under northern institutions and influences, and yet such 
unlawful practices to exclude southern men and southern institutions from the seventh and 
last Territory are upheld, countenanced, and passionately justified by a majority of northern 
representatives in Congress. 

Are such practices in accordance with the views and judgments of the people of the North ?• 
I think not. The fanatics think they are. An authoritative decision at the polls will soon 
decide, beyond the possibility of mistake, ■which opinion is correct. I await that decision with 



10 

confidence and with hope. Upon that decision depend vast interests, and the future harmony 
and welfare of our country. May the electors so discharge their high duty as to honor, in 
verity and truth, their high-toned, just, constitution-respecting and Union-loving forefathers ! 

Tlie Topeka constitution — the premature offspring of anarchy — conies next in the~e revolu- 
tionary movements. The convention which framed the constitution was not in any sense 
legally or properly organized, and the adoption of the constitution was not the result of the 
regular and solemn action of the popular power of the Territory. Its adoption was a mise- 
rable farce, without a parallel in the history of the nation. In proof of this,, let candid meu 
decide when they shall read the facts of its history as they are recorded: 

About midnight the President said : 

"Gentlemen: The constitution has been read for the first time ; those in favor of its passage 
will Eignify the same by saying aye." 

•'Aye I" shouted every delegate without exception, in aloud and enthusiastic tone. 

"I move that the constitution be read a second time by its title," said Mr. Parrott. 

" The constitution of Kansas," read the secretary. 

" Those in favor of its passage," said the President, "will signify by saying aye." 

I never saw such a perfectly dramatic scene as I looked at when the president said so. Every 
delegate involuntarily held up his hand and shouted aye — half rising as he gHve in bis vote. 

"1 move that the constitution be read by its title a third time," said Mr. Delahay. 

It was read the third time, and again the president put the questioc. 

An enthusiastic "aye" succeeded. 

"The ccnstitution is adopted," said the president. 

"Three cheers for the first free constitution of Kansas," said Mr. Schuyler, of Council city. 

Every delegate and spectator immediately raised his hat, and, waving it in the air, gave three 
times three loud, long, and hearty cheers. 

As the sound of the cheering died away, the hour and minute hands of our watch were pointing 
at XII. 

Such was the mode of its adoption, as described by an eye-witness — the correspondent of 
the "/S<. Louis Democrat! T 

This constitution, thus adopted, a majority of the House desire to recognise. It is my pur- 
pose to show that a constitution gotten up in such manner violates every principle which lies 
at the foundation of our government, and is at war with the geniiis and sober usages of the 
American people. In support of this position I will rely upon an authority which I suppose 
no northern man will question. I allude to Daniel Webster's great argument before the 
Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Martin Luther vs. Lather M. Borden and 
others, delivered on the 27th day of January, 1848. I will hurriedly enunciate the principles 
laid down by Mr. Webster, for the purpose of making an application of those priuciples t« 
this Topeka constitution, and the manner of its adoption: 

"First, and chief, (said Mr. W.) no man makes a question that the people are the source of 
all political power. Government is instituted for their good, and its mc-mbers are their agent? 
and servants." 

Again Mr. Webster say;?: 

"Let all admit, what none deny, that the only source of political power in this country is the 
people. Let us admit that they are sovereign, ^ot they are so; that is to say, the aggregate 
community, the collected will of the people, is sovereign." 

Again Mr. Webster says: 

" Having agreed that all power is originally from the people, and that they can confer as muck 
ot"it as they please, the next principle is, that, as the exercise of legislative power and the other 
powers of government immediately by the people themselves is impracticable, they must be exer- 
cised by the representatives of the people; and what distinguishes Ameiican goverDments as 
much as an v thing else from any governments of ancient or of modern times, is the marveUoH? 
felicity of their representative system." 

Again Mr. Webster says: 

" The power is with the people ; but they cannot exercise it in masses or per capita; they caH 
only exercise it by their representatives." 

" Now, the basis of this representation is suffrage." 

" This being so, then follow two other great principles of the American system : 

" The first is, that the right of suflFrags shall be guarded, protected, secured against force and 
against fraud. And^the second is, that its e.<;£rcise shall be prescribefi by previouH law; its qualiji- 
tatioHx shall be prescribed by previous law; the time and place of its exercise shall be prescribed 
by prcvioiiH law; the manner of its exorcise — under whose supervision — ahrays Htcom officers of 
ike law — is to h<i prescribed. And then, again, the results are to be certified to the ceiiinU power 
by some certain rule, by some knotcn public olficers, in some clear and definite form, to the end that 
two things may be done : first, that every man entitled to vote may vote ; second, that his vote 
may be hcut forward and counted, and so he may exercise his part of sovereitjnty in couiinon with 
his fellow- man. In the exercise of political power through representatives we know nothing, we 
never have known anything, but such an exercise as should be tarried thronqh the. prescribed 
forms of law; and when we depart from that we shall wander as widely from the American travh an 
ihe pole is from the ti ack of the sun." 

Let me make an application of these principles to Kansas. Was the "right of suffrage," a> 
ffxercised in the election of delegates to the convention that formed the Topeka <.ot:sutut5on, 



11 




cen'ral point to frhich the rpsuUs of the tiection might be certified ? H tre there any of th? 
forms and solerunities of law which were calculated to guard the ballot-box, and to protect it 
against tbrce ar.d ai:,^ainst fraud ? Was anything done to secure a fair expression of the pub- 
lic sentiment of all pordes in the Territory— to allow every man to vote who had the right to 
vote, and to deny to those who had not that right the jirivilege of voting ? 

I defy mortal man to show a solitary ins'ance in the history of this country where there has 
been a greater departure from the "American tra'k" than in this instance of the Topeka con- 
stitution, which was brought in here and adopted by this House. 

Bf ar Mr. Webster again : 

" We are not to take the will of the people ?rom public meetiiuj^, nw from tumultuous afseni- 
blies, by which the t.iaiid are ten-itied, the prudent are alarmed, and by which society is disturbed. 
These are not American modes of signifyinnj the will of the people, and they never were." 

Once more from Mr. Webster : 

" Is it, not obvious enoap;h that men cannot s:et together, and coaot themselves, and say thev 
are so many hundreds, and so uiacy thousands, and judge of their own qualifications, and call 
theraselves'the people, and set up a government? Why, another set ot^ men, forty uiiles off, 
on the same day, with the same propriety, with as jrood qualifications, and in as large number?, 
may meet and set up another government," &c. "What is this bat ANARCHY ?" 

Yes, sir ! and what was it iu Kansas but "anarchy?" A set of desperate men, lusting for 
power and place, got together, declared that their party constituted the majority of the people 
of Kansas, judged of their own qualifications, and set up a State government. If Mr. Webster 
were living, and had this day written the lines I have just read in your hearing, he could not 
have described the conduct of the free-State party iu Kansas with greater accuracy and force. 
iHdc^'d. these lines look as if they had been written with special reference to this cass : " What 
liberty" (SH.\d Mr. W.) '■'is there here, but a tumultuary, tempestuous, violent, sforniy liberty— a, 
sort of South American liberty, without power except in tta spasms — a liberty supported by arms 
to-clay, crushed by arms to-iaorrow. Is that OUR LIBERTY?" 

"Is that M/r liijerty?" No, thank God! Ours is a liberty regulated by law. It is not "a 
liberty supported by arms." It is not a -'violeat stormy lit-ierty" of the South American kind. 
Ours is a rational liberty, and such it has been everywhere in our country, until a band of 
lawless men in Kansas inaugurated revolution, boldly assailed the laws of the laud, aad 
attempted to subvert the government. 

In the year 1843 Mr. Clay addressed a letter to Rev. Walter Colton, in which he requests 
Mr. C. to write a tract on the subject of abolition, and in that letter he speaks of the abolition 
party in the following languaj,^: 

"It is manifest that the ultras of that party are extremely mischievoni^, and are hurrying on 
the CDuritry to fearlul consequences. They are not to be conciliated by the whigs. Kagrn^-aed 
with a single idea, they care for nothing else. They would see the administration of the gov- 
ernment pTecipitate the nation into absolute ruin before they would lend a helping hand to arreet 
ita career." 

After making several suggestions in regard to the points which should be mads in the tract, 
he Siiys : 

" But the great aim and object of your tract should be to arouse the laboring classes in tha 
free 8tates against abi)!ition. Depict the consequences to them of immediate abolition. The 
slaves, being ti-ee, would be dispersed throughout the Union ; they would enter into cam petition 
with the free laborer — with the American, the Irish, theGerman — reduce his wages, be cuntounded 
with him, and atfect his moral and social standing. And mt tlie ultras- go both for aboiifion and 
amatijamatioH, mow that their object is to unite iit marriage the laboring white man o.iid the Inhor-hii^ 
black- woman, to reduce the white laboring man to the deipined and degraded condition of the blatiz 
■man." 

I have not time to comment on these views of Mr. Clay. Having alluded in another part oi 
my rmiarks to some of the points suggested in these extracts, I pass on to other questions 
which I ftel called upon to discuss, and which, in my judgment, demand the serious consider- 
ation of the national conservative men of our country. 

This revolutionary spirit exists not only in the Territory of Kansas, but 1 frar it is spreading. 
It has shown itself here amongst us. On the 21st day of July the distinguished genilemaa from 
Indiana [Mr. Dukn] addressed this House. I listened to his remarks on that occasion with re- 
gret. 1 could but lament that his brilliant genius was not employed in denouncing those who 
are fomenting and encouraging strife in Kansas, by the aid and comfort which they are furnish- 
ing to the revolutionary party there. ♦ 

Every gentleman wfll recollect the fire, the energy, and the severity which marked the ut- 
terance of every sentence. When it was delivered the House was taken by surprise. No one 
expected (at least I did not) such sentiments from that quarter. I knew he was opposed to 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and was anxious to see it restored ; but it ne^er oc- 
•arred to me that he was willing to "citt off the s»j>plies and stOj^ the taheeh of goyernmeM,' uQ- 



12 

less that restoration -were effected. The restoration of that odious line will never give "peace" 
to the country. The extracts which I quote from that speech wUl show its tone and spirit : 

"The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. Campbell] has told us we must ra- 
Eaic here until the appropriation bills are passed. Sir, 1 have intimated heretofore, and now 
deliberately repeat, that, until some measure shall be passed into a law which will, to my mind, 
give asfurance of a just and permanent settlement of these troubles m Kansas, no appropriation 
will ever pass this House by my vote. 1 will not grant one dollar to maintain and advance the 
movements of the g^overnment in a course which promises nothing but universal ruin. I will give 
no support and no countenance in any wav to such a deplorable state of aii'airs as we are now 
in the midst of: much less will 1 give means still farther to advance and aggravate this condi- 
tion of things. I speak for mj-self alone, and without reserve or hesitancy. I would cut oil the 
supplies and stop the wheels of government rathe than let it move an inch further in its pres- 
ent most ill-directed and perilous course. If those who control that course are refractory — if 
they will not heed the clea»and distinct utterances of an overwhelming public sentiment, justly 
aroused to indignation agaid^ a great wrong — if the dangers that threaten us will not warn or 
check them — I would cut off the sinews of power, and thus compel submission to an overwhelm- 
ing public necessity. [Cries of • Good I' ' That is it !' ' That is the doctrine?'] I would promptly 
and sternly meet the consequences of such a course, whatever they might be. It is a remedy al- 
lowable under our institutions. It is not revolutionary or violent, but lawful, peaceful, quiet, 
and f/fecM't-e. It is a means of certain redress against the abuse of powe* and attempted usur- 
jations, without the terrible resort of revolution." 

And again, near the conclusion, I quote this emphatic language : 

" Sir, from the first to the last, I have steadily labored with an unwavering determination 
that has never faltered since the passage of the Kansas-Xebraska act, until this moment, for the 
restoration of the Missouri restriction. With a purpose that I have never lost si^ht of, and that 
I never will lose sight of, until that is accomplished, so long as I hold a seat upon this floor, or can, 
by my vote elsewhere, promote that object, I shall continue to labor with unyielding stubborn- 
ness for that restoiation in some shape or other. 1 am impelled to this because, in the first place, 
it is right ; and in the second place, because there is no peace for the country, and there can be 
H9j:.eace, until that is — in substance or in terms — in some form or other — accompiished. Let 
gentlemen JS'orth and South consider the matter well, and they will be constrained to this same 
conclusion. Let them remember, if they please, that in all future time, or until this i-estriction is 
again applied to the Territories of Kansas and ^I'ebraska, there neither can, nor will, be peace. 
1 speak this with no meaning of offence or spirit of threatening, but rather as a fact which men 
may deplore or defy as they will; such is our certain, our necessari' future." 

I know not how they may be regarded by others, but, to my mind, these sentiments are re- 
volutionary, and, if carried out, poliiical confusion and ruin must be the result When those 
Sentiments were responded to upon the other side or the ball by the term '• Good, good," it 
was calculated to make the impression, not only upon the minds of this House, but upon the 
mind of the country, ihs^t there was a party here, who, in the language of Col. Lane, were 
ready to carry out their purposes, " even though it should subvert the government."' 

Look at the amendment which has been engrafted upon the army appropriation bUl. The 
remarks made upon the other side of the House to-day, ia regard to the appropriations for the 
salaries of the territorial ofacers of Kansas, show clearly that they are ready '• to cut off the 
supplies, and to stop the wheels of government," be the consequences what they ma}-. They 
have the power — we shall see whether they will use it. 

Therp is another thing in this connexion to which I wish to call attention. While these 
gentlemen have undertaken on ali occasions hi-re to denounce the President of the United 
{States, there never has been, in the history of this government, a higher tribute paid to 
executive honesty and integrity than was paid unconsciously by the gentleman from Ohio 
and his allies in tbe adoption of his amendment to the army bill. The whole power of the 
army is placed by these gentlemen at the discretion of the President to suppress insurrection, 
to repel invasion, and to keep peace and order in Kansas, without anything to control his ac- 
tion save his own mere wili. Those very gentlemen who have been assaihng him for months 
as untrustworthy and as having prostituted his oiSce for the purpose of increasing the slave 
power, have voted for this amendment. The republican majority have secured its adoption, 
and it now stands as the recorded evidence of their confidence in Franklin Pierce : 

"Provided, nevertheless, That no part of the military force of the United States herein pro- 
vided for shall be employed in aid of the enforcement of the enactments of the alleged legislative 
assembly of the Territory of Kansas recentl}- assembled at Shawnee ilission, until Congresa 
shall have enacted either that it was or was not a valid legislative assembly, chosen, in conform- 
ity with the organic law, by the people of the said Territory ; And provided, That until Congress 
shall have passed upon the validity of said legislative assembly of Kansas, it shall be the duty 
of the President to use the military force in said Territory to preserve the peace, suppress insur- 
rection, repel' invasion, and protect persons and property therein, and upon the national high- 
ways in the State of Missouri, from unlawful seizure and searches. And be it further provided, 
That the President is required to disarm the present organized militia of tlje Territory of Kansas, 
and recall all the United States arms therein distributed, and to prevent armed men from going 
into said Territory to disturb the public peace or aid in the enforcement or resistance of real or 
pretended laws." 

Let it go forth to the country, that the majority here, in direct opposition to all their pro- 



13 

fessions, have passed this proviso, and have thus given assurance to the nation that implicit 
reliance can be reposed in the President's wisdom, honesty, and patriotism. 

In these revolutionary times it was not to be expected that the judiciary could escape the 
assaults of the enemies of law and order. In the Washington correspondence of the Xew 
York (daily) Times of the 30th of July last. Judge Crawford, of this District, is thus spoken cf: 

" It becomes an important question what shall be done to reform the criminal court of this Dis- 
trict. Impeach Judge Crawford, some say. I answer that party spirit will sustain him, and, for 
proof, refer to votes of Congress already recorded during the present session. Another rem- 
edy is to legislate him out of office ; that cannot be done, because the democratic Senate v,-ill 
interpose its negative, or President Pierce his veto. The only thing which can be done is to re- 
fuse to vote his salary in the general appropriation bill, and so force him to resign. The measure 
is an extreme one ; but if it is necessary, as it would seem that there can be no doubt, the friends 
of justice and humanity ought not to hesitate." 

In this age of revolutionary progress, everything must be made to conform to the will of 
the dominant majority here. Even the judiciary, created for the protection of person and 
property, must decide according to the will of the majority in this House, or be legislated 
"oM< of office /■' Must the earth quake before the people cease to sleep ? 

And, finally, it has been intimated in reference to the presidential election, that if the bal- 
lot-box does not secure a triumph for their candidate they will try the merits of the cartridge- 
box. If Col. Fremont cannot secure strength enouijh before the people to elevate him into the 
presidential chair, other means are to be resorted to. 

I allude in this connexion to the remarks of James Watson Webb, an editor of one of the 
organs of the republican party— an editor who wields a vast influence over that party, and 
has much to do in directing its movements. In the Philadelphia convention he is represented 
to have said : 

" They ask us to give them a nomination which, when put fairly before the people, will unite 
public sentiment, and, through the ballot-bos, will restrain and repel this pro-slavery extension, 
and this aggression of the slaveocracy. What else are they doin?? They tell you that they 
are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that the last appeal. If we fail there, 
what then '! We will drive it back, sicord in hand, and, «o help me God J believing that to be right, 
I am icith them. [Loud cheers, and cries of ' Good !' "] 

Is this not the language of a revolutionist? Is it not the language of a man who regards 
the success of his party as of far more consequence and importance than the peace of his 
country? If they fail to secure a triumph at the polls, then they will resort to arms ! Let all 
true national men who love the Union bear these things in mind, and prepare to meet the 
alarming issue tendered. 

A word or two more in regard to the Kansas question, and I am done. When the Terri- 
tory of Kansas was first organized, Missourians, in common with citizens of the other States, 
feeling a deep interest in the institutions of their own State, and anxious to secure protec- 
tion, as far as possible, to their interests, removed over in large numbers into Kansas, staked 
off their claims, and made all the necessary arrangements to remove their families at the 
earliest moment. Had they not the right to do it ? Was it not a part of the privileges of 
American citizens, when that Territory was thrown open to settlement, if they thought they 
could better their condition, secure homes more desirable, advance their happiness, and pro- 
mote their pecuniary interest, to go, in couimon with others, into that Territory, and found 
institutions like their own? I imagine there never has been a time in the history of Kansas 
when a majority of the people of that Territory were not citizens of the State of ilissouri. At 
this time I imagine that a majority of the entire population of Kansas are those who have 
removed from the State of Missouri into the Territory. 

And now let us see what you propose to do. Suppose your proposition to remove the army 
from Kansas is carried out — an army located there upon your own application — what will be 
the result? Strife, war, and bloodshed, between free-State settlers and the settlers of the pro- 
slavery party in that Territory. Is there a man among you, from all the northern States, in 
the event of such diSBculties occurring in that Territory, who would not, in his own district, 
raise one regiment, and furnish it with supplies and ammunition, and send it into the Terri- 
tory for the purpose of protecting, aiding, and sustaining his free-State friends? la there one 
man upon the other side of the House who, when war had actually broken out, and life was 
being sacrificed — when everything portended a battle which must end in the extermination 
of one party or the other — I say, is there one upon that side of the House who voted for the 
admission of Andrew H. Reeder as delegate, who would not, under such circumstances, 
recommend to his constituents to arm themselves, and encourage them to march to the aid 
of their free-State brethren ? The pro-slavery party would take the same course, and thus 
both parties would send their regiments into that Territory from which the United States 
troops, in obedience to your wishes, and in conformity with your legislation, had been with- 
drawn. If that army had not been sent there to preserve the peace, we should have heard far 
louder shrieks for freedom than have yet been heard. They would have been heard all over 
the country. It was necessary to pursue that course in order to protect the free-State party in 
that Territory, and save them from the hands of those they had so greatly outraged. Had the 
army been withdrawn, the result would have been that we should have had a sectional fight 
long before this day. The South would have sent men and money to the assistance of their 



14 

friends, and the war would have been wajjed between the two sections of the Union ; and 
Kansas would have been thehattle ground at first, but the war would have extended until 
both sections were involved — inextricably involved. Do you desire to scatter the seeds of 
revolution and anarchy broadcast over the country ? Is it your desire to array section 
against section, brother against brother, father against son, in hostile strife? A very large 
number of the people of the West, were born and reared in the slave States, and many of their 
i'riends and relatives yet live in Virginia and other parts of the South. 

I again ask, what is your purpose? Will you continue to encourage these restless spirits 
in Kansas to throw off the restraints of law, and to contemn the established authority of the 
government? Will you continue to countenance their efforts to overthrow the laws — to tram- 
ple social and political order under foot — to stimulate their passions and to inflame their pre- 
judices? Will such a course be likely to restore peace between the North and South, nnd to 
restore that fraternal feeling and affection which ought at all times to exist betwf en the people 
of these States? You can control them if you will ; you can check the tumult, calm the storm, 
and put an end to the reign of sectional strife. If you will not do it, then I appeal to ^^the 
•prudence of the country, and the sober wisdom of the people^' to relieve us Irom the perils and 
dangers that threaten the overthrow of our s>stem of free government. 

Gentleraen on the other side of the House tell us that supplies will never bo voted until 
affairs in Kansas are arranged to their satisfaction. What is necessary to be done to satisfy 
them? From the intimations which have from time to time been thrown out by the leaders 
in this House it is not difficult to determine. They demand that all the territorial laws shall 
be abrogated or suspended until Congress shall have passed upon the validity of the legis- 
lative assembly of Kans:vs; that persons regulnrly and legally indicted for crimes of the 
gravest character against the laws shall be discharged from custody ; that territorial officers 
who, in the faithful discharge of their public duties, have rendered themselves obnoxious to 
the dominant majority here, shall be removed, and their places supplied bj' the supple tools 
of the revolutionists. These are their modest demands, and if they are not complied with, the 
regular, the usual appropriations are to be denied, and the wheels of government are to cease 
their steady and uniform revolutions. " Rule or rum '' is their motto. The Executive and the 
Senate must yield to their demands or they will press forward their revolutionary projects to 
the great haztrd of the peace of the country, its prosperity, aijd the best interests of the people. 

If this is to be your rule of action — if you have determined to v»ithhold all the appropria- 
tions necessary to keep the govtrnmtnt in raotion— if the whole revenue is to be collected and 
locked up, and not a dollar to be paid out — it is well enough for the people to inquire, what 
will be the effects upon the commercial, financial, and business relations of this great nation? 
AYhat will be iis effects upon the trade, upon the commerce, and upon the mechanical interests 
of the cities of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore? Tbey must be disastrous to 
the last degree. Universal distress and pecuniary embarrassment, in all those localities, is 
unavoidable. All who are connected with them must sooner or later sbare in the ruin in 
which they will be overwhelmed. The circle must continue to enlarge itfelf until it shall 
embrace within its baleful influence all of the great business interests of the people of the 
thirty-one States that make up this Union of ours. The passions of the people arc inflamed, 
their prejudices are stimulated to the highest pitch of excitement, avid everywhere around us 
a sectional storm rapes wildly, and threatens, in it;^ fury, to engulph the ship of State. If, in 
this critical condition of things in both sections of the Union, you, by your reckless action 
here, shall bring bankrui)tcy and pecuniary ruin upon the country, may not the most undaunted 
patriot well tremble for the consequences? 

I believe that the Union is in imminent danger — 

*' This hour's the very crisis of our fate." 

If the Union shall be destroyed, upon y,ou will rest the responsibility ; and let me admonish 
you, in the eloquent language of my gifted predecessor, (now no more,) that, "if you allow it 
to be overthrown, you will get it again when the sun shall go back upon the dial of Ahaz" — 
" When earth's cities have no sound or tread, 
When ships are drifting with the dead 
To shores where all is dumb." 
















i° --^^ :J 




















-\/ V'^-^^V^'' %/'^^V V^--w°' 

1^ • ^ 






-ov^^ 



c _ -^ 
























* "^ t*?^ ♦J 



